vendredi, poésie

"Fate Playing," Ted Hughes (from Birthday Letters)

Because the message somehow met a goblin
Because precedents tripped your expectations
Because your London was still a kaleidoscope
Of names and places any jolt could scramble,
You waited mistaken. The bus from the North
Came in and emptied and I was not on it.
No matter how much you insisted,
And begged the driver, probably with tears,
To produce me or to remember seeing me
Just miss getting on. I wasn't on it.
Eight in the evening and I was lost and at large
Somewhere in England. You restrained
Your confident inspiration
And did not dash out into the traffic
Milling around Victoria, utterly certain
Of bumping into me where I would have to be walking.
I was not walking anywhere. I was sitting
Unperturbed, in my seat on the train
Rocking towards King's Cross. Somebody,
Calmer than you, had a suggestion. So,
When I got off the train, expecting to find you
Somewhere down at the root of the platform,
I saw that surge and agitation, a figure
Breasting the flow of released passengers,
Then your molten face, your molten eyes,
And your exclamations, your flinging arms,
Your scattering tears
As if I had come back from the dead
Against every possibility, against
Every negative but your own prayer
To your own God. There I knew what it was
To be a miracle. And behind you
Your jolly taxi-driver, laughing, like a small god,
To see an American girl being so American,
And to see your frenzied chariot ride-
Sobbing and goading him, and pleading him
To make happen what you needed to happen-
Succeed so completely, thanks to him.
Well, it was a wonder
That my train wasn't earlier, even much earlier,
That it pulled up, late, the very moment
You irrupted onto the platform. It was
Natural and miraculous and an omen
Confirming everything
You wanted confirmed. So your huge despair,
Your cross London panic dash
And now your triumph, splashed over me
Like love forty-nine times magnified,
Like the first thunder cloudburst engulfing
The drought in August
When the whole cracked earth seems to quake
And every leaf trembles
And everything holds up its arms weeping.

Port Eliot: part 3 of 3

Last in a series! Up now at Her Royal Majesty. Turtle and lobster races and Situationist hijinks galore! Countryside flânerie! Book recommendations! And inadvertant magic tricks! To wit:

Joanna has bought a pack of cards at the Hermès wagon which each feature a variation on how to tie an Hermès scarf. I splay the cards and offer them to her facedown. “Pick a card!” She does. “Don’t show it to me; put it back in the deck. Now shuffle.” She does. I take back the deck and choose a card at random. “This is not your card,” I say. “Yes it is,” she says. I have performed magic without meaning to. That, or I’ve beaten the odds.

Read more.

More on festivals

So Latitude might have been a total washout, but Port Eliot, which I attended for the second time, was wonderful. Last year I wrote about being a festival neophyte for Bomb; this year I'm blogging about Port Eliot for Her Royal Majesty. An excerpt:

This year, I’m back for more, ready to try to understand a bit more about England, festivals, and the new sincerity: this Zeitgeist which embraces grammar classes, 1940s tea dresses, cream teas, and the medieval Crumhorn. I’ve come once again as the guest of my friend Joanna, who will be giving a talk on how to be a tourist at the Idler Academy on Sunday afternoon. (After camping together at Port Eliot last year, and at Latitude the previous weekend, we’ve gone through so much as tentmates that it’s as if we’ve been through the trenches together.) I’m particularly excited to see some of the writers who are here this year: Caitlin Moran, James Attlee, Matthew de Abaitua, Hari Kunzru, and Hanif Kureishi, among others. British Sea Power are playing. Some of our favorite acts from last year are returning. I’m just hoping I can fit it all in.

Continue reading

On festivals

A couple of weeks ago, in a forest, a woman wandered over to me and asked “Is this Narnia?”

Anywhere else, this would have been a really strange question. But we were at a festival, one of those summer gatherings that resembles a collective psychotic break.  We were in a forest the festival had dubbed “the faraway forest,” and I was there ostensibly to “perform” alongside my friend J, who writes a column about fashion for the Times.* Concretely, this meant helping her create dresses made of cellophane that she then attempted to spray with fake snow. I was sporting an Edwardian-style cape. J dubbed me “the Snow Queen of Latitude.”

“No,” I told the woman, who maybe got the Snow Queen reference. “Narnia is down the hill.” There was apparently an actual Narnia-themed event taking place not so far away from us in the faraway forest, which I heard involved a wardrobe and some dress-up. (It was unclear if you could actually walk through the wardrobe, and whether there would be talking animals on the other side if you did.)

We were not in the best of moods for this level of whimsy, having arrived at Latitude at around noon that day in the middle of a torrential downpour.  (It was “pissing down” as the locals say.) J’s agent had our tent. We had no cell phone reception and could not reach said agent.  Carrying all our crap, we walked for what felt like hours from the production tent to the performers’ camping area. The mud was already about 5 inches deep and it was everywhere. Not a dry spot to stop and sit.  Finally we were found, and fed, and our tent was pitched, and we could throw our stuff down in it. Finally we could head back to the Faraway forest and do J’s event.

As the Snow Queen of Latitude, I felt slightly miffed at the lack of information about the festival and what it had to offer. The production office tied performer’s badges around our wrists, but did not equip us with a programme.  We kept trying to find one, until finally we were told they came in the form of a weighty paperback novel, and cost 9 pounds. “9 pounds!” We resigned ourselves to not knowing what was going on.

The festival, then, took place in a kind of haze. There were multicolored sheep, why I don’t know, and that night a woman dangled above a bridge, attached to a giant glowing purple moon, as the crowd below gawked and gasped.  I don’t know who she was either. We were taken to hear a singer called Steve Mason, who was a bit emo when we first got there but stepped it up a bit by the end, and concluded his set by calling out to the crowd: “Don’t let those cunts get you down!”

“What cunts?” I asked, as I had just come back from the loo, and was feeling a bit lost. “Which cunts?”

“Oh, you know,” our friend said. “Just, like, The Man.”

We were in our sleeping bags by 12:30, after an ill-advised late night stop at a food stand, where I had some kind of chicken kebab. It was about 5 am when I was woken up by stomach convulsions so painful and so deep they could easily have been confused with labor pains. Then the migraine set in. Sunday, then, could be summarized thusly: nausea, dizziness, chills, projectile vomiting, ambulance, first aid tent, more puking, dizziness, chills, napping, and then a really cute medic called Michael, who stuck his head under the covers where I was hiding and gave me the good drugs. We ended up missing our train back to Oxford and spent the night in Southwold, where my APC sunglasses were stolen the next day, but where I found a Barbour that suited me half-price.

The following weekend, we camped again, at Port Eliot. On which, more to come, with more literature and less puking.

*For the record, J has only good things to say about Latitude. All views expressed here are wholly my own and are not to be confused with hers, which she has recorded here. For her take on Southwold, see here.

Dr Maîtresse

As some of you may know, I defended my dissertation on Thursday and earned an upgrade in my honorific. (Not bad for someone who failed gym so many times she almost didn't graduate from high school.) Here, in case you're interested, is an excerpt from the statement I made at the beginning of the defense. It outlines why I chose the texts I chose to analyze and how I see these texts (and my readings of them) working together to form a coherent statement on an important and overlooked aspect of late modernist women’s writing in Britain. I'd be happy to hear any responses you might have, as I begin thinking about how to revise the dissertation to book form.

***

Elizabeth Bowen’s novels The House in Paris (1935) and The Death of the Heart (1938) indicate that something in Britain was broken long before David Cameron came on the scene. “Tradition is broken,” Bowen wrote in 1937. The social mores of the past– the means of organizing the unruliness of everyday life– have been eroded, and superseded by a movement toward a more open society. Social exchange has become a potential minefield, and the consequences of these new freedoms must be dealt with. But how, when (as Noel Coward notes in his play “Private Lives”) the situation is– or at least feels– entirely without precedent?

Elyot, the anti-hero of “Private Lives,” remarks that in light of this, “I shall continue to be flippant.” But Coward himself did not operate exclusively in this frivolous vein. Songs like “Twentieth Century Blues,” which was a hit song in 1931, indicate that Coward felt a more serious urge to bear witness to the confusion and pessimism of the period.

Why is it that civilized humanity
Can make the world so wrong ?
In this hurly-burly of insanity
Our dreams cannot last long

Blues —
Twentieth century blues.
They’re getting me down.
Blues —
Escape those weary
Twentieth century blues.

In Coward’s more serious moments, “humanity” rhymes with “insanity.” The song, Coward said later, “struck the right note of harsh discordance and typified…the curious hectic desperation [he] wished to convey” (177). The 1930s will continue in this “musical” vein: the rhythm is stylized, ironic, but the melody’s in a minor key, and the lyrics are laced with wariness and uncertainty.

Having read the scholarship on 1930s British women’s writing,  I knew that I didn’t want to look at texts that were explicitly political, as these had received ample attention, but rather texts that characterized what seemed to me most important to highlight about British women’s late modernism: a sense of uncertainty and belatedness. I wanted to concentrate on texts that seemed to hesitate before any final resolution, that were still interested in the potential of modernist form while aware of the limitations of what high modernism had achieved.

I tried to imagine what the aims of this late modernism could be– what all these revisions were tending towards. I tested out idea of authenticity, or impersonality, or more feminist ideas that would read these texts as “coming into their own” narratives.  In chapter five I do come close to this last idea, offering the thesis that Bowen appropriates masculine spaces as spaces for female “becomings.” but even this term “becoming” implies a forestalled arrival. “Becoming” is an ongoing state.

This refusal of totalities, the suspicion of concepts like “marriage,” “civilization,” “humanity,” came to be a crucial aspect of late modernism for me. Throughout the dissertation I build upon this idea, and finally explore it in my final chapter on Woolf, where I look at the tension in Woolf’s poetics between embodiment and suspension, between sensation and the written word. I find that her reading of DH Lawrence is a key component to understanding her insistence on indeterminacy.   That Woolf herself participated in high modernism and late modernism places her work in a position to provide a solid conclusion to my exploration of these ideas of belatedness and uncertainty that I am claiming as characterizations of the era.

Let me contrast a novel I didn’t write about with one that I did, to make clear the difference between late modernism and 1930s women’s writing. Winifred Holtby’s 1936 novel South Riding similarly explores this feeling of incertitude, in the battered optimism of the young headmistress Sarah Burton, the impending bankruptcy of gentleman farmer Robert Carne, the fortunes of the brilliant young student Lydia Holley, born and raised in the Kingsport slums and charged with looking after her brood of brothers and sisters after her mother dies in childbirth, and the foibles and tragedies of the different members of the community of South Riding.

Holtby’s novel is about the difference that local government can make in people’s lives: each book of the novel is named after a sub-committee of the local council (which include Education, Public Health, and Highways and Bridges) and the events of the novel are filtered through these nexuses of social concern. Although the general tone of the novel is hopeful, its final lessons are ambiguous. Sarah Burton, the energetic young headmistress who is the novel’s heroine, quotes to her students at the 1935 Silver Julibee celebration the following lines from the nationalistic hymn by Cecil Spring Rice, “I vow to thee, my country”:

‘The love that asks no questions, the love that stands the test,
That lays upon the altar the dearest and the best…’

“Don’t take that literally,” Sarah tells her students.

Don’t let me catch any of you at any time loving anything without asking questions. Question everything– even what I’m saying now. (510) 

This in an apt ending to an extremely moving and stirring novel, one that ends on an embrace of death and yet finds in the abyss a necessary outline for the life before us. (Woolf makes a similar  point, though in a more modernist mode, in The Waves.)  To question, always, is the political duty of these young women: not to subscribe to the doxa of patriarchal nationalism contained in sentimental patriotic solemnities. 
 
Although it seems most everyone in the town is having a difficult time of it, Holtby reserves most of her sympathy for the town’s women, who are fated by their sex to take jobs below their capacities and training, serve as “household drudges,” and bear not only the physical agony of childbirth, but the burden of raising the child.  “I’m going to have another child,” Nancy Mitchell wails. “And how are we going to live? Oh God! How are we going to live!” (246)

This question provides one of the most productive intersections between South Riding and The Death of the Heart. Bowen’s novel takes up this question in a mannered, elegant, ironic conversation between the sophisticated Anna Quayne and her friend St Quentin: “Also you know, you do always seem to think there must be some obvious way for other people to live.  In this case there really is not, I'm afraid” (16). Where in some cases the accepted social code may be “obvious,” in this case, Anna remarks, it is inapplicable.  Whereas the characters of South Riding ask “How are we to live?” and call on the local council for help, the disillusioned characters of The Death of the Heart, deserted by country, religion, or upbringing, can turn only to each other, glancing at their neighbors to see how they’re doing it, hiding from the neighbors their breaches of conduct. “We must live how we can,” the narrator concludes.

There are a number of differences, superficial and profound, between South Riding and The Death of the Heart: differences in each novel’s attitudes towards feminism and conservatism, the range of social classes of the characters they feature, as well as the contrast between the northern provinces of England and the southern metropolitan center. But the differences I want to highlight between the ambiguities and uncertainties of South Riding versus those of The Death of the Heart have to do with the blending of social concerns with issues of style and of form. Although the novels share many of the same concerns, this is the basis of my decision to include texts such as those by Lehmann, Rhys, and Woolf alongside those of Bowen: all four women are engaged in a similar project of social and formal revision.

It would be a stretch to classify South Riding within the category of modernism.  Although they share thematic concerns, Bowen seems more interested in the possibilities of form, whereas Holtby seems more interested in the possibilities of message. “We are members of one another,” Holtby writes in her prefatory letter to her mother, quoting Paul’s letter to the Romans (Romans 12:3-8). She is not only referring to members of the same community, of course, but to the community of humanity. Bowen’s citydwellers, on the other hand, feel more alienated than ever, and have an awareness of themselves as estranged from anything as conventional as a community. Communities, for Bowen, are in the process of being dissolved, and there is not much that can be done about it. Bowen’s novels and essays constantly interrogate and ironize concepts like “community,” and “humanity.”  Her novels interpret themselves for the reader, her sentences twist in syntax to avoid banality, her young heroines are intensely aware of themselves as young heroines, her novelistic forms double back on themselves. Andrew Bennett and Nicholas Royle call this aspect of Bowen’s work the “dissolution of the modern novel.”

So how is one to live, when the very ideals Holtby turns to no longer seem coherent? I suggest that in order to answer this question, Bowen– and the other writers I consider– operates in a constant state of attunement: to the reader’s expectations, to her literary forebears, to high modernism, to the social context her novels describe. As I read and thought about these issues in the work of Rhys, Woolf, and Lehmann, it became clear to me that answering Nancy Mitchell’s question– how are we to live– requires a certain social literacy, requiring the pairing of visual perception with an informed sense-experience, in Merleau-Ponty’s terms. In Bowen’s novels, social expectations hang in the air as a vague presence to which all parties refer without knowing to what they are referring.  Bowen makes clear the extent to which these social norms are unarticulated; because of this they produce a generalized anxiety, both for those who can’t negotiate the rules, and for those who think they can. Rosamund Lehmann articulates social know-how as a question of “fit,” and her novel Invitation to the Waltz (1931) is accordingly preoccupied with clothing and fashion sense. Bowen articulates the breakdown of social norms through the dislocations, ruptures, deferrals, and elsewheres that mark her early novels. Storytelling, spectacle, and uncertainty are all associated in Rhys’s work. And in The Waves (1931), Woolf’s characters are all asking variants of this question, looking to each other to learn how to be, turning around an invisible center, their questionings punctuated by the cycles of nature.

There is, then, a coincidence of perception and late modernism, a function of the thoroughgoing  ambiguity or hesitation of the 1930s. (…)

 

Vendredi, poésie: Department of Barely Perceptible Irony

To coincide with my most recent review for Bookforum on the Noel Coward Reader (just out from Knopf), here's one of Coward's greatest songs, "Don't Let's Be Beastly to the Germans." Composed in 1943 as a work of patriotic satire, the song was initially banned by the BBC for being too pro-German.

Don't let's be beastly to the Germans,
Now our victory is ultimately won.
Let us treat them very kindly,
As we would a valued friend.
We might them out some bishops,
As a form of lease and lend.

Let's be sweet to them
And day by day repeat to them
That sterilization simply isn't done.
Let's sweetly sympathize again,
And help the scum to rise again,
But don't let's be beastly to the Hun.

We must be kind
And with an open mind,
We must endeavour to find a way
To let the Germans know
That now the war is over,
They are not the ones who have to pay.

We must be sweet
And tactful and discreet,
And now they've suffered defeat,
We mustn't let
Them feel upset,
Or ever get the feeling
That we're cross with them or hate them.
Our future policy must be to reinstate them.

Don't let's be beastuly to the Germans,
For they're civilized,
When all is said and done.
Though they gave us science, culture, art, and music, to excess,
They also gave us two world wars and Dr. Rudolph Hess.

Let's be meek to them
And turn the other cheek to them,
And try to arouse their latent sense of fun.
Let's give them full air parity,
And treat the rats with charity,
But don't let's be beastly to the Hun!

Don't let's be beastly to the Germans.
You can't deprive a gangster of his gun!
Though they've been a little naughty
To the Czechs and Poles and Dutch,
I can't believe those countries
Really minded very much.

Let's be free with them
And share the BBC with them.
We mustn't prevent them basking in the sun!
Let's soften their defeat again,
And build their bloody fleet again,
But don't let's be beastly to the Hun! 

Life As We Have Known It


Life as we
In 1931, the Hogarth Press published Life as We Have Known It (Virago reprint, 1982), a compendium of testimonies from members of the Women's Co-Operative Guild, founded in 1883 and a key institution in the evolution of women's liberation.  Its members organized themselves in order to better the life of the average working women, sharing resources so that the quality of life of each of the members improved overall. Their organization extended into political activism as well, and they were responsible for the maternity benefits that were worked into the 1911 National Insurance Act. 

Anna Davin, in her introduction, gives some background on the Guild and its relationship to the larger co-operation movement in the United Kingdom:

““Under the Co-operative system, no individuals can make fortunes, Co-operators evidently believing, like the old writer, that ‘money is like muck, no good unless it is spread.’ No ‘profits’ are made; the surplus, inseparable from trading, is shared among the purchasers, according to the amount each spends. Capital becomes the tool of labour, and not its master.

"Men and women, as members of their local Co-operative Societies, own the shops where they buy, supply their own capital (on which a fixed interest is paid), and manage their businesses through elected committees and members’ meetings, where the rule of one man one vote prevails. Federated together, over 1,000 Societies with some 6,000,000 members constitute the England and Scottish Co-operative Wholesale Societies. These, combined, form one of the largest trading and manufacturing concerns in Great Britain” (xii).

“This peaceful revolution from autocratic Capitalism to democratic Co-operation is based on the women’s Marketing BAsket. Isolated in their own individual homes, it is through their common everyday interests as buyers that married working-women have come together, and found their place in the labour world and national life. The Women’s Co-operative Guild [founded by Mrs Acland and Mrs Lawrenson in 1883], with nearly 1,400 branches and 67,000 members, has given the unity and force which enable the women to become a power in the Movement and to share in its administration” (xiii).

Virginia Woolf, who supported the Guild throughout her life, provided an introductory letter to the volume in which she recalls attending a Congress in Newcastle in 1913. She was impressed with what she saw:

“It soon became obvious that the mind which lay spread over so wide a stretch of England was a vigorous mind working with great activity. It was thinking in June 1913 of the reform of the Divorce Laws; of the taxation of land values; of the Minimum Wage. It was concerned with the care of maternity; with the Trades Board Act; with the education of children under fourteen; it was unanimously of opinion that Adult Suffrage should become a Government measure– it was thinking in short about every sort of public question, and it was thinking constructively and pugnaciously” (xix-xx).

(Her other comments are somewhat more controversial and I won't get into them here, unless someone wants me to.)

The women whose testimonies are collected here– some of whom were born as early as the 1850s– give accounts of the kinds of lives they led before and after their association with the Guild, and their narratives are mesmerizing. It's not very often that you get to read first-hand what life was like for working women in the 19th and early 20th century– our knowledge of the period, you realize as you read, comes from novelists and historians, not from the women themselves.

A felt-hat worker in North Wales with a lively interest in George Egerton and H.G. Wells tells the following story of the attempt to unionize at her factory:

"It was whilst at Lees' that I joined the Felt Hatters' Trade Union. They had tried to organise the trimmers very often; all the men were in the Union but only about six of the trimmers. Well, I joined, also a friend of mine. Then we began to try to get the other girls in. It was hard work, the answer would be 'I will when the others do.' So one day we went round with a list (there had been a lot of trouble over the work) and said, 'Just put your name down, those who will join if the others will consent,' and behold, we got the majority. We called a meeting, and in the meantime I had seen the men and told them they ought not to consider working with non-unionists, so they sent up a note saying they would not consent to work any longer with non-unionists, and after some persuasion, every trimmer joined the Union. Of course, the men at other shops tried to get their trimmers in, but they were more obstinate than ours so the masters locked us out for six weeks. It was a time; my sister was out, there was father, auntie, my sister and baby, and the income was only 11/- per week; but we got through. Then when we got back to work there was some further trouble and we had a stay-in strike. After it was settled I went down for my work, and the fore-mistress said, 'I am sorry, Nellie, but I cannot serve you.' I went back and told the girls, and everyone put down their work and two of those who had been worst against the Union went down to see the head of the firm. They all sat there until I was sent for and told it was a mistake. I always feel proud of the way they all stood by me" (90-1).

…And now back to taking notes from Nicola Beauman's A Very Great Profession.